Vermont found, for example, that the "goals of marketing programs are often in conflict with the goals of the state" and that the "marketplace for ideas on medicine safety and effectiveness is frequently one-sided in that brand-name companies invest in expensive pharmaceutical marketing campaigns to doctors.Problem: The First Amendment demands courts apply "strict scrutiny" to laws that restrict speech based on the identity of the speaker or the content of their speech. The Vermont law prohibited pharmacies from selling prescribing information to marketers, but not to researchers or organizations that examine whether doctors are complying with formularies or cost-control rules.
The statute disfavors specific speakers, namely pharmaceutical manufacturers. As a result of these content- and speaker-based rules, detailers cannot obtain prescriber-identifying information, even though the information may be purchased or acquired by other speakers with diverse purposes and viewpoints. ‚ĶThe law on its face burdens disfavored speech by disfavored speakers.Vermont argued the law was merely a restriction on commercial communications and no different, in essence, than a law that prohibits merchants from posting "Whites Only" signs. The state also argued the law didn't restrict speech, but access to information. This made it equivalent to laws prohibiting police from distributing arrest records to insurance companies and ambulance-chasing lawyers, which the court has upheld. But the majority distinguished those cases by noting that the government possessed the information it was withholding; the Vermont law prohibits pharmacists from distributing information to another group based on the content of the message they, in turn, intended to deliver to doctors. The court also rejected Vermont's argument its law protected the privacy of patients. Prescribing data could still be sold to anybody else, the court noted. As for the state's policy argument–that consumers was better off without detailers peddling their high-priced drugs in the Green Mountain State–the justices weren't having any of it:
Those who seek to censor or burden free expression often assert that disfavored speech has adverse effects. But the "fear that people would make bad decisions if given truthful information" cannot justify content-based burdens on speech.The decision strengthens the court's commitment to free-speech rights for corporations, which has angered many critics on the left. In last year's Citizens United decision, the court obliterated federal campaign-finance laws that restricted how much corporations could spend on political advertising, and with this decision the court expanded on the role of commercial speech in the marketplace of ideas. In the final paragraphs of the opinion Justice Anthony Kennedy muses upon the importance of settling disputes such as the merits of generic versus brand-name drugs through "free and uninhibited speech." He acknowledges how technology has made it possible for information to spread more widely and thus violate personal privacy but says: "Privacy is a concept too integral to the person and a right too essential to freedom to allow its manipulation to support just those ideas the government prefers." The dissenters, led by Stephen Breyer, noted that prescription information is collected pursuant to government regulations and the court had never found that the release or use of such information is governed by the First Amendment. They also said decision diminishes the ability of legislators or agencies like the FDA to regulate commercial speech that is false, misleading or injures consumers:
Since ordinary regulatory programs can affect speech, particularly commercial speech,in myriad ways, to apply a "heightened" First Amendment standard of review whenever such a program burdens speech would transfer from legislatures to judges the primary power to weigh ends and to choose means, threatening to distort or undermine legitimate legislative objectives.Finally, in a swipe at those who would try and rehabilitate the Lochner decision striking down wage-and-hour laws in 1905 as a violation of the constitutional right to enter into contracts, Breyer said this:
Given the sheer quantity of regulatory initiatives that touch upon commercial messages, the Court's vision of its reviewing task threatens to return us to a happily bygone era when judges scrutinized legislation for its interference with economic liberty. History shows that the power was much abused and resulted in the constitutionalization of economic theories preferred by individual jurists.Article from https://blogs.forbes.com/danielfisher/
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